Thursday, November 09, 2006

Oral arguments in the abortion cases

In the midst of all the heady post-election developments yesterday, the Supreme Court heard oral argument in two cases presenting challenges to the federal "partial birth abortion" statute. (Argument transcripts available here.) These are the first abortion cases to come before the Court since the arrival of the new Chief Justice and Justice Alito, and many observers (including me) have been expecting that the Court will uphold the statute. In 2000, the Court in Stenberg v. Carhart struck down a similar Nebraska statute by a vote of 5-4, with Justice O'Connor in the majority. Now that she has been replaced by Justice Alito, crude nose-counting suggests that the federal statute might now fare better. Moreover, defenders of the federal law have stressed two points that arguably distinguish it from the Nebraska law, so that the Court could uphold the federal statute without actually overruling Carhart: (1) the federal law is arguably clearer about which abortion procedures it prohibits and which it permits, thus avoiding the vagueness problems that plagued the Nebraska law; and (2) the federal law contains a congressional finding that the abortion procedure in question, known as D&X, is never necessary to protect the health of the woman, and thus it arguably does not contravene Carhart's holding that a law is unconstitutional to the extent it prohibits a particular abortion method even when that method is necessary to safeguard the health of the mother.

With that lengthy introduction out of the way, I want to offer two reactions to the arguments. First, Justice Kennedy -- who asked a lot of questions and clearly had spent a lot of time pouring over the huge record in each case -- seemed to be surprisingly open to arguments against the federal law. He was one of the dissenters in Carhart, and many of us have assumed that he would therefore find no problem with the federal law. (Hence the prediction that the replacement of Justice O'Connor with Justice Alito would be outcome-determinative.) Now I'm less sure. Granted, predicting a Justice's vote based on oral argument is a perilous business, but given yesterday's arguments I wouldn't be all that surprised if Justice Kennedy voted to strike down the federal law. (On the other hand, I also wouldn't be all that surprised if he ultimately adhered to his Carhart position.)

Second, I was fascinated by a colloquy in the first case between Justice Breyer and Solicitor General Paul Clement. It concerned Congress's finding that it is never necessary to employ D&X to protect the health of the woman. I myself have always thought this finding a bit puzzling. In a context like this, is it really possible to say that the procedure is never necessary to achieve a particular end, as opposed to saying, e.g., that it is unlikely, or that certain experts have not yet seen a case where D&X was necessary? Justice Breyer was evidently also intrigued by this finding. It's his proposed solution that I find especially interesting. Noting that the record in Carhart had contained statements by doctors that D&X sometimes is necessary to protect the woman's health, Justice Breyer asked General Clement why the Court shouldn't permit enforcement of the law except in cases where it could be shown that D&X is necessary for those purposes. As Justice Breyer put it, if in a given case Congress turns out to be right about D&X's non-necessity, then the law could be enforced. But if Congress is shown to be wrong on that point, then the law could not be enforced. Why not take this approach, he asked?

This might be an attractive solution to an uber-pragmatist like Justice Breyer, but the formalist in me is inclined to think the Court may not be able to do it. The law before the Court contains a ban on the use of a certain abortion procedure and also contains a finding by Congress that confirms its intention not to recognize an exception for the health of the woman. Justice Breyer is proposing that the Court nevertheless carve out an exception for cases where it can be shown that the procedure is necessary to protect the woman's health. In essence, he is proposing that the ban on D&X in cases where it isn't necessary to protect maternal health be severed from the ban in cases where it is necessary for those purposes, and that the statute be struck down only in the latter set of cases. I haven't gone back to check the statute to see whether it contains a severability clause that would permit this sort of move, but assuming it doesn't, I'm inclined to think Justice Breyer's approach would entail way too much rewriting of the statute. It would carve up a general prohibition in the absence of anything in the statute recognizing the distinction. Among other things, this would invite case-by-case litigation on a point (necessity to protect maternal health) that Congress evidently meant to take off the table altogether. I think this changes the legislation too much. If the statute's lack of an exception for maternal health poses a constitutional problem -- and I think it does -- I'm inclined to think the whole statute must fall.

23 comments:

Thomas Healy said...

This is a facial challenge, right? If so, why can't the Court reject the challenge on the ground that there are some situations in which it would not violate the Constitution (eg. where the procedure is not necessary to the mother's health)?

Are you suggesting that the Court strike down the statute on overbreadth grounds? I know the Court has sometimes implicitly adopted an overbreadth approach in abortion cases, but Ayotte seemed to be a move in the opposite direction. In fact, isn't it possible to view Justice Breyer's statement as a suggestion that the Court return to the traditional rule that a plaintiff can only challenge a statute as applied unless the law is invalid in all its applications? Once the Court gets an as-applied challenge, it can consider the severability issue. But in a facial challenge, is there any reason for the Court to consider that issue?

Trevor Morrison said...

Two thoughts in response to Thomas's good comment:

First, I should have mentioned Ayotte in my post, so thanks for raising it. The Court in Ayotte did indeed suggest that it *might* be possible and appropriate in some cases for courts to fashion limited relief from abortion-resticting laws that stopped short of fully invalidating the law, even in the context of a facial challenge. I myself am not sure about that approach as a general matter, but I didn't mean to challenge that point in my post. Instead, I meant to say that even if some sort of middle ground facial relief is appropriate in some cases, it is not appropriate where the relief would entail effectively rewriting the statute in a way that clearly departs from the legislature's intent. It would have been one thing if Congress had not considered the health necessity point at all. But Congress clearly did consider it, and it clearly meant to rule out categorically any case-specific litigation about health necessity. Given that, I think the sort of partial facial relief adverted to in Ayotte would be inappropriate in this case. Put simply, it would entail rewriting the statute, not just partially enjoining it.

Second, as to the standard for a facial challenge, I do think that the Court has consistently treated facial challenges in the abortion area quite differently from facial challenges in other areas. More specifically, the Court has not applied the Salerno "no-set-of-circumstances" standard in abortion cases. Instead, it has used the "undue burden" standard to govern its consideration of facial (as well, I suppose, as applied) challenges. One of the arguments made by the government in Ayotte was that the Court ought to embrace the Salerno standard in this context. I think there would be serious problems with doing that, in part because, as some of Justice Kennedy's questions yesterday recognized, the realities of biology can make it very hard to get an as-applied standard through the courts in enough time. So even though I'm skeptical of the "partial facial relief" option embraced in Ayotte, I'm glad the Court took that option instead of simply holding that Salerno is the governing standard for facial challenges to abortion laws. And in any event, until the Court does formally embrace Salerno in this context, I think its cases make it fairly clear that facial challenges to abortion laws are not subject to the Salerno standard.

Derek said...

Section 2 (1) of the Act (the "Findings" section) does say that partial-birth abortions are never medically necessary.

But Sec. 3 (§1531(a)), the portion that prohibits partial-birth abortions on pain of a fine and/or up to 2 years in prison, has an explicit exception for partial-birth abortions that are "necessary to save the life of a mother whose life is endangered by a physical disorder, physical illness, or physical injury, including a life-endangering physical condition caused by or arising from the pregnancy itself."

And (d)(1) says a defendant can seek review before the State Medical Board to determine if the procedure was, in fact, medically necessary.

So, provided I'm looking at the right statute, implementing Justice Breyer's suggestion wouldn't do any violence to it at all.

Trevor Morrison said...

Derek, that's the exception for cases where the procedure is necessary to save the life of the woman -- note the "whose life is endangered" language. Everyone acknowledges the existence of that exception. But everyone also acknowledges that the exception doesn't extend to cases where the procedure is necessary to protect the woman from serious (non-fatal) *health* risks. Prior cases treat life and health exceptions differently, and Carhart at least arguably (I think quite clearly) says the Constitution requires both. So the question here is whether the statute's acknowledged (and intentional) omission of a health exception is constitutional.

Derek said...

Right. That makes sense, thanks.

Michael C. Dorf said...

Note the oddity that a procedure could sometimes be necessary to save someone's life, but never necessary to for her health. The opposite seems much more often to be likely to be true.

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