Monday, January 05, 2009

Roland Burris & the Constitution Outside the Courts

Do elected officials have a duty to follow the rulings of courts, even when the courts will not enforce those rulings? To the non-lawyer, this question may be reminiscent of trees falling in empty forests, but for constitutional theorists, it is a central issue in the debate over the Constitution outside the courts. And, if push comes to shove, it may end up playing a role in resolving the question of Roland Burris's eligibility to serve as Senator from Illinois.

There are, it seems to me, four Senatorial paths to blocking Burris:

1) The easiest mechanism would be to seat him and then expel him, but this requires a 2/3 vote.

2) Next comes the technicality route: Declare Burris ineligible because his commission isn't counter-signed by the Illinois Secretary of State, who is refusing to sign, while the Illinois courts are going to take their time ruling on an action seeking to compel the signature. (It's the fun part of Marbury v. Madison all over again!).

3) Then there's the boldest move: Declare Burris ineligible because tainted by the process used to select him (which, at the least, probably includes earlier rejection of candidates unwilling to play ball). For a spirited defense of this approach, see this nice piece by Akhil Amar and my colleague Josh Chafetz.

4) Finally, if all else fails, there's what we might call the Andrew Jackson approach--named for the President who, so the probably-false legend goes, said in response to the Supreme Court's decision in Worcester v. Georgia, "John Marshall has made his decision. Now let him enforce it."
Option 4--defiance of a court ruling that Burris is entitled to serve--would directly raise the Constitution-outside-the-courts issue in one scenario.

By the time Powell v. McCormack got to the Supreme Court, the House of Representatives argued that the case was moot. The 90th Congress had refused to seat Adam Clayton Powell, but after Powell's re-election, the 91st Congress seated him. The Court held that the case was not moot because the question whether Powell should be paid his still-withheld salary for the 90th Congress was alive. But as a consequence of the intervening events, the Supreme Court had no occasion to pass on the question of whether it, or a lower federal court, had the authority actually to order the House to seat Powell. As a result, the case only granted a declaratory judgment.

Now suppose that the Senate cannot muster the votes for option 1, and that a court rejects whatever arguments the Senate advances (presumably something like option 2 or option 3 or a combination) in response to a lawsuit by Burris. Powell makes clear that Burris would then be entitled to a declaratory judgment, but suppose further that the Senate still refuses to seat Burris. When faced with a recalcitrant defendant in ordinary litigation, the normal course is for the plaintiff to return to court to convert the declaratory judgment into an injunction, and if that is not followed, to seek to have the defendant(s) held in contempt.

There are reasons of etiquette and separation of powers why a court that is willing to declare Burris a Senator might nonetheless not go so far as to order that he be seated. Still, for my money, a Court that was willing to end the post-election Presidential contest in 2000 notwithstanding the Constitution's pretty demonstrable commitment of the matter to Congress would likely be willing to order the Senate to seat Burris given that Powell expressly holds that the Constitution does not commit to Congress the right to make judgments beyond determining the qualifications spelled out in the text.

If I'm right about that, then Harry Reid and/or his minions get thrown in the slammer until Burris gets sworn in. But if I'm wrong, then we will have a great victory for the Constitution-outside-the-courts crowd: A court ruling that Burris is eligible to serve, yet his continued exclusion. One reason why I think I'm right (and if I don't think I'm right well, really , who will?!) is that judges hate this scenario. They regard it not as the vindication of checks and balances but as lawlessness.

To be sure, there is an important technical legal difference between:
a) court declares Burris a Senator but doesn't issue injunction, and Congress ignores court declaration;
and
b) Court enjoins Congress to seat Burris and Senate refuses.

Technically, only b) is lawless. But precisely because this distinction will likely be lost on most people, I suspect that a court willing to declare will be willing (if push comes to shove) to enjoin. And at that point, I very strongly doubt that the Senate Sergeant of Arms would protect a recalciatrant Harry Reid.

Posted by Mike Dorf

19 comments:

Howard Wasserman said...

Wouldn't it be the sergeant-in-arms (and not Reid or any other Senator) who would be going to jail for contempt? Because of the Speech or Debate Clause, Reid could not be the named defendant and the court cannot order Reid or any other Senator to do anything. This is something else that likely would be lost on the populace watching this play out.

egarber said...

Two things:

1. In my view, Reid and the Dems would abide by any ruling -- declaratory or binding. It would be immensely difficult to act as a unitary legislative (I made that term up :) ) after criticizing Bush's similar abuses over the years. In the end, it might be a win-win for Reid: "I fought it, but the courts have spoken...we must respect the rule of law..."

2. For what it's worth, here's Reid yesterday on MTP explaining why he doesn't think Powell applies. I'm not sure I understand what he means (sorry for the length):

MR. GREGORY: Well, let me press you on that point. A, a critical editorial on the LA Times made this argument: "The Constitution says that each house of Congress `shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members' and may punish members for `disorderly behavior' or, on a two-thirds vote, expel a sitting member. Neither provision justifies excluding a senator because of the unrelated wrongdoing of the governor making the appointment. ... It's doubtful whether the Senate could refuse to seat ... any duly elected (or by extension appointed) member who met age, residency and citizenship requirements. In 1969, the Supreme Court overturned a resolution by the House barring Representative Adam Clayton Powell Jr. from taking his seat. Powell had been accused of financial improprieties. ... Exasperated as they are at being outfoxed by Blagojevich, his colleagues and critics must face the fact that he is still the governor of Illinois and empowered to appoint an interim U.S. senator. It's not a pretty situation, but it's the law."

SEN. REID: The LA Times is wrong. They use the Powell case as precedent, that's not in keeping with what the problem is here today. They were talking at that time about the qualifications of Adam Clayton Powell, and the Supreme Court said, "We are not going to deal with the qualifications of Adam Clayton Powell." This is totally a different situation. This is not dealing with the appointee. I think everyone that I've talked to said that Burris is a good guy. We're talking about a cloud over anyone that comes from the state of Illinois, being appointed by Blagojevich.

MR. GREGORY: But what in the Constitution allows you to judge Roland Burris in, in this manner, to not seat him?

SEN. REID: The LA Times quoted part of it itself from the Constitution: We determine who sits in the Senate, and the House determines who sits in the House. So there's clearly legal authority for us to do whatever we want to. This goes back for generations.

egarber said...

It seems to me that the constitutional text only empowers the Senate with regard to *members'* behavior, no? When Reid says he can do whatever he wants, that seems to work beyond that language -- I mean, what if he wanted to throw Burris out because the Eagles beat the Vikings last night?

But at the same time, it doesn't require a reason to expel a member, only a 2/3 vote. And maybe being the "judge" of elections, etc. offers wide breadth.

Michael C. Dorf said...

In response to HW's point, Powell makes clear that the speech & debate clause doesn't bar an action against the Sergeant at Arms, even as it ASSUMES, on the authority of Kilbourn and Dombrowski, that the clause would bar the action against House members. That said, later cases (such as Mike Gravel's case w/r/t the Pentagon papers) make pretty darn clear that Reid couldn't be held in contempt, so Howard's right about that.

Still, I'm not 100% sure that means Reid couldn't be ordered to seat Burris. Suppose that after Bush v. Gore, Congress had nonetheless determined that Gore was President. Are we sure the Supreme Court would not have tried to order otherwise, even if not enforcing the order through contempt?

As for the quotation from Sen. Reid that Eric quotes, I think the best sense we can make out of this is that he is saying what Amar and Chafetz say--namely, that there is a difference between judging qualifications (which is governed by the qualifications clause) and judging the selection process.

Adam P. said...

Another option is to "seat" him, but not place him on any committee, and exclude him from the Dem caucus. While the question of how helpful this would be to Dems in the long-term is questionable, it would surely be nonjusticiable.

egarber said...

Question:

I see this in today's NY Times -

"Ms. Erickson had already said that the appointment letter forwarded by the governor’s office did not comply with Rule II of the Senate’s standing rules, which requires signatures of both the governor and the secretary of state."

The constitution refers to the "executive authority" when filling vacancies, so far as I can tell. Does the U.S. Senate rule requiring two signatures -- possibly across party lines -- potentially violate the 17th Amendment? It seems plausible that the state would determine what constitutes the "executive authority," not the Senate. Of course, I'm probably missing something.

Ted said...

The nation owes more than thanks to three unlikely modern day patriots: professional poker player, musician, and retired attorney, Leo Donofrio; life long Democrat and former Pennsylvania assistant attorney general, Phil Berg; and Soviet emigree and attorney, Dr. Orly Taitz (she’s also a dentist).

While Mr. Donofrio painstakingly established the airtight case that BHO could not be an Article II “natural born citizen” (at BHO’s birth, dad was British/Kenyan, not American, citizen) Leo’s Stay of the 12/15/08 electoral college vote was denied by SCOTUS as procedurally unripe.

Nevertheless, since no congressman and senator objected on 1/8/09 to Congress’ count and certification of the electoral vote which would have turned resolution of Obama’s eligibility issue over to Congress — rendering moot the Berg and Taitz (Lightfoot) cases — Berg finally does achieve standing on the issue of actual harm, to be addressed at the Friday 1/9/09 SCOTUS Conference on Writ of Certiorari. Obama’s failure to submit evidence of his constitutional qualification for the 1/9/09 conference will mean he cannot thereafter challenge Berg’s request to enjoin the 1/8/09 Congressional electoral count and certification, albeit retroactive, scheduled for SCOTUS conference Friday 1/16/09. Moreover, Chief Justice Roberts has scheduled a full Court conference on the Lightfoot case Friday 1/23/09 in the event there needs to be a Constitutionally mandated action, the Inauguration itself, to enjoin retroactively.

Now that BHO is in checkmate and cannot be POTUS, he can be a patriot as well. He need not subject the nation to the expense and trauma of requiring SCOTUS to overrule his ‘Presidency’. BHO can and should voluntarily step down with Biden becoming Acting POTUS under the 20th Amendment, and under the agreement all potential claims by the Government for itself and on behalf of others against BHO are released.

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