Monday, November 10, 2008

Litigation Strategy Post-Prop 8

Suppose you were the czar of civil rights litigation for the LGBT community in America. What should your strategy be with respect to federal equal protection clause challenges to state laws forbidding same-sex marriage? Here are a few considerations:

1) The first state high court to suggest that laws restricting same-sex marriage deny equal protection on state constitutional grounds was the Hawaii Supreme Court in 1993. The ruling was never implemented, however, because the people of Hawaii overturned the decision by state constitutional amendment, although not before it inspired the odious federal Defense of Marriage Act. Subsequent decisions recognizing either fully equal rights under domestic partnership laws or marriage itself have been coming out of the state courts since then, along with decisions and ballot initiatives going the other way.

2) Given that the issue has been in the courts for over 15 years already, it's quite remarkable that no one has yet successfully brought a federal equal protection claim in some lower court. That's not entirely an accident. The LGBT civil rights community has been assiduously avoiding bringing federal claims precisely for fear that success in a state supreme court or federal appeals court would bring a ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court that finds no right to same-sex marriage. Such a ruling could in turn delay the date when the Court might otherwise recognize a right to same-sex marriage. The theory goes like this: It's harder to overrule a decision saying no same-sex marriage right than to recognize such a right in a case presenting the case de novo.

3) Is that theory accurate? Probably at least a little bit. As a formal matter, stare decisis matters for the Justices. Still, the empirical evidence shows that stare decisis doesn't matter a whole lot. (Indeed, the leading study found that of recent Justices, only Justice Powell seemed to care about stare decisis.) A stare decisis effect could, I suppose, delay the recognition of a right to same-sex marriage by about 5 years, but it must be balanced against the possibility that a federal same-sex marriage case in the Supreme Court could succeed now---which in turn must be balanced against the small but non-trivial possibility that such a success could trigger support for a constitutional amendment specifically banning same-sex marriage.

4) If all these probabilities are giving you a czar-sized headache, consider this additional worry: You can't control who brings the cases. Even if you instruct your minions in the Lambda Legal Defense Fund, the ACLU and the Human Rights Campaign not to bring federal equal protection claims, that's not going to stop Bob the Builder ("Yes We Can") and Joe the Plumber (no, not that Joe the Plumber) from hiring Larry the Lawyer to sue claiming a federal equal protection (and while we're at it, due process) right to marry. Bob and Joe want to get married now, and while they'd prefer not to upset your strategic litigation decisions, they really must put their own future first. If there is a substantial chance that they could succeed by including a federal claim where they would fail with only state claims, they have an incentive to include it, and you have no legal right to stop them.

5) Indeed, the possibility of lousy representation by Larry for Bob and Joe keeps you up at night. If you're going to have the case end up in the Supreme Court anyway, wouldn't you rather be counsel of record than an amicus, with Larry arguing the case? Sure you would (unless you conclude that you WANT to lose in the Supreme Court to prevent the dreaded constitutional amendment). So does that mean you should get ahead of the curve and file a federal test case now, before Bob and Joe (or perhaps representing Bob and Joe yourself)?

These are very tricky questions. Tomorrow I'll follow up with some reflections on what they say about our system of constitutional litigation.

Posted by Mike Dorf

20 comments:

Adam P. said...

The last one may be a bit of a non-issue, given the role of amici and intervenors. In Heller and the Lexington Public Schools case, the trial court counsel of record were clearly not the ones who got the favorable outcomes in the Supreme Court, but rather more established public interest organizations and the Solicitor General. (See also the labor union intervenors in Golden Gate Restaurant Association in the 9th Circuit and Chamber of Commerce v. Brown)
LGBT groups have had similar experiences in lower courts over the years.
This may lead to a critique of our system of constitutional litigation- that we only pretend standing matters.

Howard Wasserman said...

Joe and Bob tried in California, actually, bringing a federal case while In re Marriage Cases was working its way through the state system. The federal court abstained in deference to the state litigation--perhaps to do the movement a favor, perhaps to avoid dealing with the issue head-on--although the grounds for abstention were questionable.

KipEsquire said...

Two observations:

1. The California Supreme Court made a persuasive argument (in my opinion) that any pre-Lawrence precedent (or any post-Lawrence case relying on pre-Lawrence precedent) holding that "sexual orientation ought not constitute a suspect class" can be validly disregarded. The court did not just rule in terms of California equal protection jurisprudence, but also explicitly opened the door to challenge federal and sister-state precedent on this all-important question.

2. Speaking of equal protection, you frame the entire analysis, from the very first sentence, in EP grounds. But let us remember that both Lawrence and Romer v. Evans were due process cases, not equal protection cases. A renewed willingess to recognize the truth that anti-gay laws -- disingenuous (and impermissibly over- and underinclusive) protestations about "procreation" notwithstanding -- are in fact motivated by nothing other than mere animus toward a politically disadvantaged, insular minority. This, as Romer reminds us, a state may not do.

(As a postscript, something like #4 actually happened in 2006. Lamba Legal filed a calculated federal lawsuit in Nebraska, and some renegade activist filed the exact same complaint in another state, literally just using find-and-replace to change the references to the state. As I recall, Lambda was able to convince them to withdraw the complaint.

KipEsquire said...

Incidentally, regarding #5, I have been (quietly) saying for some time that this was precisely what happened in Kelo. The Institute for Justice's main brief was a train wreck that consisted mostly of emotional appeals to the anecdotal plight of the plaintiffs. The CATO amicus brief, by contrast, was both comprehensive and sober -- far more persuasive, assuming the justices actually read it. I've often wondered whether, had IJ handed off to CATO, the outcome might have been different.

Michael C. Dorf said...

Lots here in the comments. I'll just correct one point in kipesquire's first comment #2: Romer was an EP case.

egarber said...

So, on the substance itself, what's the cleanest constitutional argument for defending the right of same-sex couples to marry?

1. On the one hand, a hack like me is tempted to just say: marriage is a fundamental right, so the state needs a compelling interest before denying it. The problem there is, when would the state's interest ever really be compelling? Would such a ruling also mean that polygamy is a constitutional right?

2. The EP argument solves the issue in (1) because it simply becomes a matter of individuals being denied equal access to a public institution -- i.e., it wouldn't pass constitutional muster for a public library to deny admittance to a gay couple, so why would it be ok for the courthouse issuing marriage certs to deny access?

3. Or is it really a hybrid of sorts -- where the fundamental rights analysis informs the scrutiny to be applied in the EP assessment, without creating the need to declare any new suspect classes?

Octopus Grigori said...

The litigation strategy post Prop 8 is fascinating. Some questions I had, looking for some guidance:

1) Can a CA state constitutional amendment can be overturned by either (a) the CA Supreme Court or (b) any federal court as violative of the U.S. Constitution. I believe the answer to that is clearly yes -- which gives the CA Supreme Court an interesting way to end up shunting this issue to the U.S. Supreme CT, despite the best efforts of the LGBT rights czar. That is, the CA Supreme Court, when faced with the issue, could say that Prop 8 violates the EP clause of the Federal constitution, and punt on the question of whether Prop 8 is constitutional under the CA state constitution. This is making my head spin.

2) Can the CA Supreme Court hold Prop 8 unconstitutional under the CA state constitution? The answer here seems much murkier. It would seem that the CA Supreme Court would have an obligation to read all parts of the state constitution together -- but how can two portions of the state constitution that appear to be in direct conflict (EP and Prop 8) be harmonized? Is it simply resolved by saying that the latest amendment trumps prior portions of the constitution? (Isn't that how the federal constitutional amendments are read?) Or could the CA Supreme Court take the position that Prop 8, as a voter-initiative, simple majority vote, does not deserve the same deference as other portions of the CA state constitution? I'm even more confused now.

Any thoughts or guidance greatly appreciated.

Thanks!

Michael Ejercito said...

On the one hand, a hack like me is tempted to just say: marriage is a fundamental right, so the state needs a compelling interest before denying it. The problem there is, when would the state's interest ever really be compelling? Would such a ruling also mean that polygamy is a constitutional right?
It would depend on whether or not people to marry however they please as opposed to marry according to the law.

At present, under Prop. 8, bigamists have the same marriage rights as others- to marry one person of the opposite sex.

One would have to argue that in order to have equal rights in the area of sexual preferences, people must be free to form consensual partnerships as they please in order for a right to polygamy to be implied from the rights to marry and the equal protection clause.

Michael Ejercito said...

Can the CA Supreme Court hold Prop 8 unconstitutional under the CA state constitution? The answer here seems much murkier. It would seem that the CA Supreme Court would have an obligation to read all parts of the state constitution together -- but how can two portions of the state constitution that appear to be in direct conflict (EP and Prop 8) be harmonized? Is it simply resolved by saying that the latest amendment trumps prior portions of the constitution? (Isn't that how the federal constitutional amendments are read?) Or could the CA Supreme Court take the position that Prop 8, as a voter-initiative, simple majority vote, does not deserve the same deference as other portions of the CA state constitution? I'm even more confused now.
It is unlikely to do so, due to substantial case law on the amendment v. revision issue.

What state courts are more likely to conclude is that since the scope of Prop. 8 is narrow (it only defines a single word), they would interpret its application narrowly. They might rule that same-sex couples are entitled to the same inheritance and power of attorney benefits as married couples do, among other things.

What this also means is that if Prop. 8 is still in the constitution if the Legislature passes a law allowing married couples to take in "concubines", those marriages would continue to have the same legal benefits.

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