Saturday, December 02, 2006

Defending the Indefensible: Why the German Federal Constitutional Court Got it Right

In a remarkable decision the German Federal Constitutional Court struck down an anti-terrorism provision which empowered the minister of defense to order that a passenger airplane be shot down, if it could be assumed that the aircraft would be used against the life of others and if the downing of the plane would be the only means of preventing the present danger.[1] Under the Court’s reasoning, shooting down a plane violates the fundamental right to life and the right to dignity enshrined in the German Constitution. The treatment of the passengers as objects without proper legal protection is in the Court’s view unconstitutional.

The Court’s decision is interpreted as asserting that the power granted to officials under the law to shoot down planes is unconstitutional. Under this view the dignity of the (innocent) passengers on such an airplane is violated by the (legal) powers granted to officials under the law. What makes the law therefore unconstitutional is the content of the law which is incompatible with the dignity provision.

It is hard, however, to defend such a position. Most contemporary Kantian deontologists agree that deontological injunctions can be overridden under certain circumstances. Even if one concedes that shooting down a plane with 50 passengers in order to save an estimated 50 victims is not justified, it is likely that there is a number of victims which would indeed justify the shooting of the plane. This observation is not merely an observation of moral philosophers. The duties to protect are an established component of the German Federal Constitution. It seems reasonable that the duty to protect may include a duty to protect the potential victims of a terrorist attack and that such a duty grounded in the Constitution requires, at least under certain circumstances, the downing of a plane. Furthermore the Court’s assertion that by shooting the plane passengers are used as a mere means is highly misleading. The death of the passengers is a foreseen consequence of shooting the plane; their death is not a means to save the potential victims of the terrorist activity. In fact their death is not even necessary to achieve the desirable end since even if none of the innocent passengers were present in the plane, shooting the plane would have achieved the same desirable end.


I believe, however, that the decision is justified. While officials have a power to down planes under these dire circumstances, this power ought not to be enshrined in a statute. This power is derived from the constitutional “duties to protect” – duties which have long been recognized in the German system. Section 14 of the Air-transport Security Act is invalid not because the powers granted to officials in this section are too broad and therefore unconstitutional, but because it is important that an official who makes such a decision could not back his decision by pointing out to a legislative authorization. Instead such an official ought to confront her own conscience and face the consequences. Prior legislative authorization is a means of “legalizing” and “normalizing” what ought not be “normalized” or “legalized”.

[1] For a good description of the case, see Oliver Lepsius, Human Dignity and the Downing of an Aircraft: The German Federal Constitutional Court Strikes Down a Prominent Anti-terrorism Provision in the New Air-Transport Security Act 7 German Law Journal No. 9 (1 September 2006) (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=756)

11 comments:

Caleb said...

A really interesting argument. My understanding of Kantian philosophy (and I could be way off the mark here) was that it was not so much a prohibition on using people as means, as a requirement that they also be simultaneously treated as ends. If that's the case, the question becomes "are we treating them as ends whether or not we treat them as means?"

I agree with you that shooting down the plane does not make the innocent passengers means. But striking down the law might not be fully compliant with the Kantian imperative. The legislative process - however flawed - is, I think, an attempt to treat individual citizens as ends, who can fully participate in their own governance. In that case, thinking the unthinkable and passing a law that contemplates shooting down innocent passengers for a greater good would be a way to treat those innocents as ends ex ante.

If we simply leave it to the conscience of the official we are leaving the innocent passengers out of the equation. By allowing them to have a say in the rule that will ultimately affect them, we're ensuring that they're treated as ends.

(I realize this argument is a little utopian, but we are talking about Kant here)

Derek said...

Very interesting post, and good comments Caleb. Putting the legislative argument aside (pretend there are no German citizens on the flight), I'm not convinced that shooting the plane down is not to treat the passengers as a means.

Suppose someone were sleeping on some steps and I want to get to the top of the staircase. If I knowingly step on the sleeping person, surely I am treating her merely as a means and not as an end. This is true although my aim is not to step on her, it's just to get to where I'm going. Moreover, my stepping on her is not necessary to getting to the top of the staircase (in your sense) because if she weren't there, stepping where I stepped would have achieved the same desirable end.

In any case, one way of framing the question is whether the doctrine of double effect is compatible with Kantianism. I confess I don't know, but I suspect you're right that it might be.

I agree with your normalization point, though. It doesn't seem quite right to enshrine a decision of such moral delicacy in a statute.

Michael C. Dorf said...

Fascinating stuff. Like Derek, I'll put aside the issue that Alon finds dispositive -- whether the decision is taken by the legislature or the Defense Minister -- to focus on the moral question. The core distinction that Alon endorses but the German Constitutional Court rejects is between knowledge and purpose. If the purpose is to down the plane, regardless of the fact that it contains innocent passengers, then, Alon says, the act may be permissible (if necessary to avert a substantially greater harm). The German Constitutional Court, by contrast, takes the position that an actor (here the legislator or the Defense Minister) can be treated as intending the known (or perhaps even reasonably foreseeable) consequences of the actions. Whether we should treat knowledge as equivalent to purpose tends to differ under different bodies of law. The criminal law tends to treat them as the same, but not always, as Derek's invocation of double effect suggests. The law of war definitely treats knowledge differently from purpose: thus while combatants are obliged to take steps to minimize civilian casualties, they do not commit war crimes if, having done so, an attack that targets military assets also, and with the ex ante knowledge of the attacker, kills some civilians. How one views this issue may thus depend on whether one thinks that terrorism and the response to it should be understood as a species of crime or a species of war. Seen in this light, it's not very surprising that the German Constitutional Court would adopt the crime approach and reject the war approach favored by, for example, the Bush Administration.

Thomas Healy said...

Since I have standing on the brain, let me ask a basic question: does anyone know if the German Constitutional Court places limits on who can sue to challenge a provision like the one described by Alon?

In the United States, it's doubtful anyone would have standing. Future airplane passengers probably wouldn't have standing because they don't suffer an actual or imminent injury. They might argue that they suffer psychological distress at the thought of being shot down if their plane were hijacked by terrorists. But it's hard to imagine the Court buying that argument in light of a case like Lyons. Who else would have standing? The airlines? The terrorists?

I don't mean to detract from the fascinating philosophical argument here. But I do find interesting the role of the judicial system reflected by the German court's decision and how it differs from the way American courts perceive their role.

Alon Harel said...

I do not know the rules of standing in the German Constitution.

You may however be interested to know that the Israeli Supreme Court basically abolished the standing rules alltogether. It even allowed people to challenge the exemption granted to ultra-orthodox from the army despite the fact that nobody could prove that their conscription would affect anybody.

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