Friday, November 07, 2008

Revision or Amendment?

The California Constitution permits "amendments" to the Constitution by mere majority vote in a statewide referendum (although to get a state-constitution-amending initiative on the ballot requires more signatures than to get a regular-state-law-creating initiative on the ballot). However, some provisions can't be changed by amendment. What the California Supreme Court has characterized as far-reaching change to the fundamental constitutional plan requires a "revision" to the state constitution, which can only be accomplished if 2/3 of the state legislature first proposes the measure and it is then approved by the voters.

Did Prop 8 mark a fundamental change to the California Constitution of the sort that can only be accomplished by a "revision?" So argues a petition filed in the California Supreme Court on Wednesday, seeking an injunction against the enforcement of Prop 8. Having read the petition, I should say that it is hard to separate the fundamentality question from the underlying equal protection issue.

The petitioners note that "the right to equal protection has been part of the California Constitution since its inception. Thus, they say, it would surely require a constitutional revision to abolish the California state requirement of equal protection itself. This would not be an empty gesture. Although the Federal Constitution's Equal Protection Clause already applies to California, elimination of the state's own equal protection clause would eliminate the possibility that the state courts could find violations of the state version in circumstances in which the federal courts would find no violation of the federal version. And indeed, in Raven v. Deukmejian, the California Supreme Court held that a change by which California courts would be stripped of the power to find violations of various criminal procedural protections, requiring them to interpret the state provisions in "lockstep" with the parallel federal provisions, was indeed a revision, not a mere amendment.

Prop 8, of course, does not eliminate equal protection. It has the effect of changing the interpretation of equal protection in one context: same-sex marriage. That smaller, fine-grained change, some scholars argue, makes it a less than fundamental alteration, and thus one that can be accomplished via amendment. (See, e.g., here.) The petitioners (who filed before Prop 8 was on the ballot but whose petition was simply held by the California Supreme Court, no doubt in the hope that the voters would make its resolution unnecessary) argue that despite its few words and seemingly confined subject matter, Prop 8 makes a sweeping change, because it carves out an exception to the fundamental principle that discrimination against a suspect class triggers strict scrutiny.

My gut (which, per Stephen Colbert, I always consult) tells me the petition will fail. Partly this is a matter of realpolitick: the Justices could lose their jobs over this sort of thing. Partly this is a matter of doctrine. One might more readily characterize Prop 8 as standing for the view that the prohibition on gay marriage does not discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation, or that sexual orientation isn't a suspect classification, or that straight-marriage-only laws satisfy strict scrutiny. Or the Court might think that carving out an exception to strict scrutiny in one area isn't a fundamental change.

Yet the doctrinal arguments hardly seem so easy. The California Supreme Court invalidated the state's anti-miscegenation statute on state constitutional grounds in Perez v. Sharp, in 1948, long before the Supreme Court took the same step on federal constitutional grounds in Loving v. Virginia. Suppose that following Perez (but before Loving), someone proposed defining marriage in California as "the union of a man and a woman of the same race." Is it obvious that this would not have been the sort of fundamental change---an expression of white supremacy antithetical to the very principle of equal protection---that requires the use of the revision process rather than the amendment process? And if that change would have required a revision, then can one really say that the petitioners' claims here are doomed? A court that thinks the same-sex marriage prohibition denies equal protection is likely to regard the case as similar to my hypothetical example.

That is not to say that the petition will win or even that bringing it was such a great idea: It could inspire an even worse backlash and thus make it harder to undo Prop 8 in some future year. Moreover, as I argued (here) just after the California S Ct's decision back in May, part of what justified the decision to invalidate the same-sex marriage ban in the first place was the possibility of popular revision. The California Supreme Court may well take a similar view.

Finally, it's worth noting how ill-defined the distinction between "amendments" and "revisions" is. Some other constitutions with similar distinctions are much clearer about which specific provisions are subject to change by what mechanism.

Posted by Mike Dorf

42 comments:

Robert R. Spano, professor of law. said...

Dear Michael,

To what extent do you think there is a federal constitutional question here with respect to Prop 8? Could one argue that this amendment to the California Constitution violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Federal Constitution, bearing in mind the doctrinal analysis e.g. in Romer v. Evans.

Regards, Robert R. Spano, Professor of Law, University of Iceland.

Michael C. Dorf said...

Dear Robert,

That's really a great question. Absent Romer, this would be easy: Since California didn't have to grant same-sex marriage, it could take it away; but Romer suggests this could be a law motivated by "animus." That said, I think the federal EP claim fails (unless there is a freestanding federal right to same-sex marriage, which I think there is but the S Ct might not). The reason is that an important element of the S Ct's analysis in Romer was the sweeping nature of Colorado's Prop 2. California's Prop 8 is much more narrowly focused. Thus, if the Court thought there were a rational basis for denying same-sex marriage in the first place, it would likely say that there is also a rational basis (i.e., something other than animus) for repealing it.

Adam P. said...

Re: Robert's comment- while obviously there could be a federal EP argument made, since the basic structure of CA EP isn't so different than the federal EP clause, I think it's widely acknowledged that it would be disastrous to advance this in the federal courts on an equal protection theory. Given the Court's current composition, the danger of getting bad equal protection law is just too great. Right now, with no interpretation of the equal protection clause as to marriage on the federal level, state supreme courts have far greater political and theoretical cover to decide the question of same-sex marriage based on their own equal protection clauses. Once you get the SUpreme Court saying there's no equal protection violation (and likely that there's no heightened scrutiny), it becomes less likely that state supreme courts will independently strike down anti-same-sex marriage laws.

The more likely federal constitutional questions, I would think, have to do with retroactivity of annulling marriages under the contracts clause or the due process clause. However, those likely won't get to the federal courts until the CA Supreme Court rules on the retroactivity issue.

Paul said...

I think the court challenge, while if successful would be the end of it (a "revision" Prop. 8 would never get 1/3rd, much less 2/3rds of the legislative support it would need) and would be an emotionally satisfying "FU" to the bigots in California, is likely a mistake. Prop. 8 passed with a narrow margin and it is worth noting that it lost almost 25% of the support the statutory proposition had 4 years earlier. I think the best thing to do would be to just get a new proposition on the ballots during a year when Obama is not running for president - odds are good it would pass.

I would also follow it up with an amendment/revision that required super-majority voting to amend the constitutional - as really, as I argued before, having a majoritarian document attempt to protect right is bad policy anyway.

Michael C. Dorf said...

A quickie reply to Adam P: I agree but the problem is there are litigants out there that "the movement" (e.g., Lambda, ACLU) can't control. Eventually one or more of them will bring the federal EP claim and if some state high court or federal appeals court agrees, it will go to the Supremes. It's actually surprising this hasn't happened yet.

egarber said...

As an aside, what about the notion floating around that under equality standards that favor gay marriage, ministers would be found guilty of violating the law if they refused to marry gay couples?

At first thought, it seems patently ridiculous that the state could force ministers to marry folks. I'm thinking that just because the state empowers a minister to marry someone (if that's even how it works -- I'm no expert), it's more like a formal guardian representing a child -- not a player acting under color of law, who would be responsible for upholding the 14th.

Michael C. Dorf said...

The notion that a state would force clergy to perform marriages that are not sanctioned by their religion seems wildly far-fetched, no doubt a creation of those who wish to take advantage of the conflation between marriage as a legal relationship and marriage as a religious institution. Note that despite the 1964 Civil Rights Act's prohibition of sex discrimination in employment--which does apply to non-state actors--the Church has not been required to ordain women priests.

egarber said...

Note that despite the 1964 Civil Rights Act's prohibition of sex discrimination in employment--which does apply to non-state actors--the Church has not been required to ordain women priests.

Further, suppose that the California Supreme Court ruled that a ban on atheist marriages violated the equal protection clause. Would it be anything but frivolous to argue that ministers would therefore be required to marry atheist couples?

Adam P. said...

mcd- agreed, but the movement has been fairly successful in controlling "rogue" litigation since the Hawaii case.

If such a case happened, you could also count on intervenors or amici urging that the federal courts apply Pullman abstention and let the CA Supreme Court sort out the legality and meaning of its own constitution before the Supremes take a stab.

Ernest said...

"[P]art of what justified the decision to invalidate the same-sex marriage ban in the first place was the possibility of popular revision." And finding that Prop 8 is unconstitutional on procedural grounds would change this how?

Sure, the proponents of Prop 8 would be upset, but they knew this challenge was coming. Had they wanted to make Prop 8 bulletproof, they would have gone through the constitutional revision process and probably would have added language that expressly prohibited equal protection challenges. Of course, they wouldn't have succeeded. But that's why California's Constitution makes constitutional revisions more difficult: so that aren't passed by fleeting, bare majorities.

While it is unclear how the CSC will actually respond to this challenge, if the CSC does invalidate Prop 8, the supporters of Prop 8 have no one to blame but themselves. After all, they are trying to eliminate the fundamental rights of a suspect class by mere majority vote.

physicsfem said...

"As discussed below, upon review of the numerous California decisions that
have examined the underlying bases and significance of the constitutional right to
marry (and that illuminate why this right has been recognized as one of the basic,
inalienable civil rights guaranteed to an individual by the California Constitution),
we conclude that, under this state’s Constitution, the constitutionally based right to
marry properly must be understood to encompass the core set of basic substantive
legal rights and attributes traditionally associated with marriage that are so integral
to an individual’s liberty and personal autonomy that they may not be eliminated
or abrogated by the Legislature or by the electorate through the statutory initiative
process."

-Direct Quote from CA Supreme Court's Decision May 2008

Doesn't the last line of the CSC's ruling shoot down prop 8's validity? It seems to me that they anticipated Prop 8 and settled the question before it even arised.

Bryan J Blumberg said...

Phsicsfem: No that last sentence of the California Supreme Court decision that you quoted does not anticipate the question before it arose. That is because of the words "statutory initiative". Prop 22 was an initiative statute, but Prop 8 was a constitutional amendment. There are different types of initiatives in California: statutory initiative, constitutional amendment initiatives and constitutional revision initiatives. The current initiative signature requirements are as follows: Initiative Statute: 433,971; Constitutional Amendment: 694,354; Constitutional revisions require the vote of 2/3 of each house of the state legislature followed by a vote of the people.

Michael Ejercito said...

On the amendment v. revision issue, it is important to look at the relevant case law.

In People v. Anderson (1972), the California Supreme Court had ruled "that capital punishment is both cruel and unusual as those terms are defined under article I, section 6, of the California Constitution, and that therefore death may not be exacted as punishment for crime in this state." In that same decision, the Court noted that the "cruel or unusual punishment clause of the California Constitution, like other provisions of the Declaration of Rights, operates to restrain legislative and executive action and to protect fundamental individual and minority rights against encroachment by the majority. It is the function of the court to examine legislative acts in light of such constitutional mandates to ensure that the promise of the Declaration of Rights is a reality to the individual."

Later that same year, voters passed an initiative which constitutionalized the death penalty. This initiative affected the right to be free from cruel and unusual punishment, a right of a minority.

Lawyers for Lavelle Frierson, in their appeal of his death sentence, argued that the initiative amounted to a revision. The Court rejected that argument in People v. Frierson.

So case law states that amendments can be used to reduce (and extend) the scope of the cruel and unusual punishment clause, a clause that protects a fundamental right.

mark rosenbaum said...

hi michael: do you think there is a plaut separation of powers argument that undoing an existing marriage amounts to an overturning of a final judgment?

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