Monday, December 04, 2006

One more thought on abstract versus concrete judicial review

In my column today on FindLaw's Writ, I argue that denying standing to the plaintiffs in the global warming case, while arguably warranted under existing doctrine, would only expose the perversity of that doctrine. Although I have some hope that the Supreme Court will actually reach the merits, I think there is virtually no chance that the Court would modify its standing doctrine in the ways that I suggest would be both beneficial and more consistent with Article III. I would add here that the Supreme Court's narrow view of standing and similar doctrines ostensibly rooted in the case-or-controversy requirement is virtually unique among constitutional democracies. It's worth contrasting the German case that Alon discussed over the weekend with the standing doctrine in the U.S. Because the German Constitutional Court has the authority to hear abstract (what we here would call "advisory") cases, it was able to rule, in advance, on the constitutionality of shooting down a hijacked plane containing innocent passengers. In the U.S., it is hard to imagine a federal court finding standing, because no plaintiff would be able to show that he or she was sufficiently likely to be a passenger on a hijacked plane. The Court ruled in Los Angeles v. Lyons that a past victim of an allegedly unconstitutional chokehold lacked standing to seek an injunction against the LAPD's continued use of chokeholds, on the ground that he hadn't demonstrated a sufficient likelihood that he would be subject to another chokehold, so what are the odds that it would approve standing where a random prospective passenger alleges that he or she might be shot out of the sky?

In the extraordinarily unlikely event that the Constitution were amended to permit the federal courts to hear abstract cases, we would have to decide whether to give the power only to the U.S. Supreme Court or to permit abstract cases to be filed in any federal district court. European and other constitutional courts that permit abstract judicial review tend to require that cases be filed only in the constitutional court itself, but these courts operate on the "Austrian" model, in which the constitutional court is not exactly seen as part of the judiciary itself. In theory, abstract judicial review could be decentralized, with further review by writ of certiorari (or even by mandatory appellate jurisdiction) in the Supreme Court. I'll explore these issues at length in my chapter for Vik Amar's and Mark Tushnet's comparative constitutional law reader.

8 comments:

Alon Harel said...

This is a fascinating idea indeed. In many cases constitutional courts were established because there was a lack of trust in the regular courts system. South Africa is a clear example. Yet there may be principled reasons why abstract review is assigned to a special court, namely that being abstract it is less "legal" in nature than other assignments of courts and requires therefore a different type of reasoning.

In a recent paper I defended the idea of concrete judicial review on the grounds that judicial review ought to be justifed on the gronds that people have a a “right to voice a grievance” or a “right to a hearing”—a right designed to provide an opportunity for the victim of an infringement (including a justified infringement) to challenge that infringement. Under this view, the state must justify and, in appropriate cases, reconsider any infringement in light of the particular claims and circumstances of the victims of the infringement. See 92 Va. L. Rev. 991 (2006)

This of course does not entail that there are no good reasons also for abstract review but simply that abstract review alone is insufficient.

coltakashi said...

Perhaps what you are really arguing for is an exception to the normal standing barrier: namely, there is no point in imposing a standing requirement if determining standing requires determining the merits of the case.

The purposes of the standing requirement include (1) ensuring that the matter is something that a court CAN rule on (that the remedy is specific and legal in nature, so a court is both competent to make a decision and to give a remedy) and (2) ensuring that the matter is something the court SHOULD rule on (as opposed to having the issue addressed through the legislative process). I think that those purposes should inform whatever standing requirement is imposed.

One of the key issues of the court's competence to judge, AND of the preference for legislative rather than judicial action, is the very chain of causation issue that was so much the topic of the oral arguments at the Supreme Court. Back some years ago, when residents around the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant sued to stop the restart of the undamaged other reactor, the Supreme Court ruled that the chain of causation was too long and complicated to establish the reality of the harm alleged by the plaintiffs, namely the anxiety they would have about living near an operating power plant after going through the prior evacuation.

No matter how sincere the Massachusetts Attorney General may be about his fears, the chain of causation connecting the miles per gallon mandated for new cars by EPA, and the potential flooding of some of Massachusetts' coast, is much longer in terms of time and uncertainty than the causal chain in the TMI case. That causal chain involves judgments of scientific probability that are simply not within the competence of judges, not even the smart ones on the Supreme Court. The law should not be dependent upon the incidental scientific literacy and mathematical and statistical competence of the particular judges who hear a case, any more than our legal rights should depend on their understanding of Latin grammar.

If the Supreme Court denies Massachusetts a remedy in court, Massachusetts is NOT without a remedy in the government. Congress not only can pass legislation, it can also conduct oversight hearings to hold adminstrative agencies like EPA to account, and can adjust funding for EPA programs it likes and defund those it doesn't. In legislative action, the lack of scientific competence of members of Congress is not an issue, because their deliberations are the apex of thousands of pyramids of public discussion and debate, and if Congress screws up, it can always change the law in light of the facts. Predictability based on law and agreed facts are not an issue for Congress, because Congress does not need to be predictable.

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